Language and Society evidence & Identity
Based on Prof. David Britains course for MA Students of English Languages and Literatures at the University of Bern.
Based on Prof. David Britains course for MA Students of English Languages and Literatures at the University of Bern.
Fichier Détails
Cartes-fiches | 28 |
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Utilisateurs | 18 |
Langue | English |
Catégorie | Anglais |
Niveau | Université |
Crée / Actualisé | 06.12.2017 / 08.12.2021 |
Lien de web |
https://card2brain.ch/box/20171206_language_and_society
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What kind of evidence is traditional linguistics interested in for formulating grammars of languages and how did they go about collecting this evidence?
They were looking for native speakers intuitions about language. These were obtained through either introspection or a battery of intuition tests posed to native speakers.
What are some of the problems that sociolinguists see in the intuitive evidence that Chomsky and others use as a base for their work?
1) They don't see intuition as empirical, in the way a opticians test of your eyesight might be.
2) Every person and region has distinct variations, if someone writes a grammar it might as well be called "my grammar of this variety I speak"
3) Things deemed ungrammatical by syctacticians so-called 'evidence' are actually used by native speakers, their invented sentences in the intuition test, on the other hand, test a formal decontextualised grammaticality that is never used.
4) There are many cases (elaborated by Labov in When Intuitions Fail 1996) that show intuitions to be very unreliable. Evidence of this evidence being wrong.
What evidence against intuition did Prof. Britain demonstrate in practice with our participation?
He gave us the quiz with all the questions that showed our distinct interpretations of different questions about language and showed us that we don't remember the last thing we said in a conversation.
1. Look! Is that a donkey stand there?
2. My Hair needs washed.
3. I'm not sure - I might could do it.
4. She love him very much.
...
What do we gather from the fact that these sentences were all ushered by native speakers?
Native speakers are unable, and it is infact near impossible, to recognise all sentences of what we call a language; they do so no better than no-natives. So what is our language?
It follows that native speakers also disagree in their evaluations and interpret sentences differently.
What was the point illustrated by this experiment?
A postman is walking down the street. He sees a big
pile of money drop from an old tramp’s bag in front
of him.
The old tramp doesn’t realise what has happened. The
postman goes to pick up the money. The old tramp
sees this and goes to pick up the money as well. They
start struggling with each other. The old tramp
screams for help.
A policewoman and a big strong man are standing
nearby…..
Who do you wanna help?
Even though they wanna help the tramp (object interpretation) is the only interpretation of this according to synctacticians, 35% of students would say they want the policewoman to help (subject interpretation) even though *They wanna the policewoman to help is supposedly ungrammatical.
So? Things seen as ungrammatical are used by native speakers in context.
Speakers intuitions about their use of language can be way off.
Leave taking (saying goodbye) is intuitively something ritualised and banale, which basically means not sincere. However: Saying goodbye can be difficult and risky in CONTEXT, there it is spontaneous and emotional and this kind of behaviour is not captured well by intuition, which excels more in ritualised behaviour. Hence the mismatch.
Lessons from having a closer look at intuition... (this is quite big, sorry.)
- Examining our intuitions from decontextualised examples can often provide inaccurate results about use;
- The social stigma of certain non-standard forms can prevent native speakers having accurate intuitions about their own language use;
- Context is crucial. Because so many intuition tests rely on decontextualised sentences, the pragmatic and interactional force of the phrases studied is stripped away and jeopardises the accuracy of the test;
- Literacy and advanced study can cloud the accuracy of intuition as a window on the spoken language;
- Speakers don’t always have clear intuitions, or black and white intuitions, or even agree with other people from the speech community.
Principle of Experimenter (Labov's principles of intuition)
Principle of Experimenter:
If there is any disagreement on introspective judgements, the judgments of those who are familiar with the theoretical issues may not be counted as evidence.
Principle of validity (Labov's principles of intuition)
When the use of language is shown to be more consistent than introspective judgments, a valid description of the language will agree with that use rather than with intuitions.
Social intervention (predicting when intuitions may fail, which was the goal of Labov's paper)
Umbrella term when outside factors mess with the mind when trying to intuitively describe the language:
- When socially superordinate norms take precedence over native dialect. Often EITHER our intuitions about the dialect are wrong OR we are conditioned to accept 'standard/literary' forms we don't use.
- Any grammar regionally/socially stigmatised may be suppressed in intuition.
- We may accept forms from the written language we don't acutally use.
- Often preference for written over spoken language.
Physical collapse (predicting when intuitions may fail, which was the goal of Labov's paper)
Physical basis for distinction is eroded (hard to tell)
E.g. near-mergers (Bill Peters and the COT-CAUGHT merger)
- close vowels but not distinct in vowel space
- percieved as the same and sometimes produced as the same in informal speech.
another e.g.: treatment of unstressed 'have' and 'of'
Pragmatic opacity (predicting when intuitions may fail, which was the goal of Labov's paper)
When pragmatic function of a form does not equal the way users perceive it out of context.
e.g. Bye bye is considered childish and redundant, yet it is used all the time.
What 'empirical' data does sociolinguistics make use of? What are some of the considerations around that data?
spoken vs. written
notes vs. recording vs. video (evolution through technology, video captures the most aspects)
more informal than formal data and the use of questionnaires has been questioned, as asking someone when they use what language is not much different than a formal ling. intuition test...
What, in the end is the all the fuss about between formal and social lingusitics?
(I-Language vs. E-Language)
E-linguist does not like the I-linguist for not looking at real world examples and the I-linguist thinks the other is looking at trivial manifestations of a bigger system.
What is problematic about the use of the concept 'Identity' in many sociolinguistic problems and who complained about this?
What were the two extremes of its use?
Identity is a term that was not well defined initially and therefore used quite freely (cf. Labov in Martha's Vineyard vs. New York). It was discussed by Kiesling and was (/is) not a primary concern in the field.
Two extremes:
- Identity as the essentialised traits of certain kinds (e.g. 'women')
- Identity is only loosely tied to individuals and you can change it as easily as a pair of jeans.
Can you more a less define Identity then? (Bucholtz & Hall, Kiesling)
- Social positioning of self and other B&H
- identity is a discursive contruct that emerges in interaction B&H
- Identity is how individuals define, create or think of themselves in terms of their relationships with other people and groups K
What is the emergence principle (identity)?
Counters idea that identity is something internalised in the mind. It is best viewed as emergent product that develops through social action. B&H
The positionality principle (identity)?
Counter to the idea that identity= broad social categories. Three levels
- macro-level demographic categories
- local ethnographically specific cultural positions
- temporary and interactionally specific stances and participant roles
- Number three is where we it emerges
E.g. Eckert's Jocks and Burnouts
Apparently identity called for way too many principles: remeber the indexicality principle? It encompasses 4 processes.
- Overt mention of categories
- Implicatures and presuppositions
- Displays of orientations towards talk 'stances'
- Use of linguistic forms that are associated with specific personas or groups
Overt mention of categories (indexicality principle).
Actually referring to social categories in talk (whitey, hijra, posh, Londoner, grumpy old man)
Implicatures and presuppositions (the indexicality principle)
- require additional inferential work for interpretation.
- e.g. using implicatures in order to not over-openly display a sexual identity: 'gaydar'
- e.g. using presuppositions as a defence lawyer to present the rape victim as active agent rather than passive (blargh)
Displays of orientations towards talk, 'stances' (indexicality principle)
Taking a position/approach towards a topic or person in discourse: friendly, authoritative, angry, disinterested...
Use of linguistic forms that are associated with specific personas or groups (indexicality principle)
Ling. forms that index identity are associated with interactional stances, such as forcefulness, uncertainty, etc. (direct indexicality). These in turn may be associated with social categories , like gender (indirect indexicality). -> Imperatives, High-rising terminals.
More stuff that is very detailed:
- Stance accretion: stances accumulate into more durable structures of identity (the ice queen)
- Role of habitual practice at sub-discourse level (cf repeated choice of a particular quotative form)
- indexical invertion: indexical associations imposed from top down, e.g. by the media - refugees, social welfare benefit claimants, single parents, etc.
- BUT: indexicality as little more than a correlation
The relationality principle, yep another one (identity). It even comes with 6 terms to remember
Against the black and white distinction of identity = sameness and difference.
To reiterate that identities get their meaning in relation to other identity positions/people and not in isolation. (similarity/difference, genuineness/artifice, authority/delegitimacy.
- Adequation
- Distinction
- Authentication
- Denaturalisation
- Authorisation
- Illegitimation
(relationality principle) adequation and distinction
Adequation
making oneself (or others) understood as similar enough for current interactional purposes;
downplay differences, highlight similarities (Al Qaeda and Saddam Hussein)
Distinction
opposite of adequation.
Highlight differences, downplay similarities (avoidance of 'stigmatised' local dialect forms, 'othering')
(relationality principle) authentication and denaturalisation
Authentication
discrusively making claims to being 'real', 'genuine', 'authentic'.
(dialect performance and writing; discussions about borrowings, etc.)
Denaturalisation
Calling attention to fake/'put on' identities.
(B&H: Dominican americans playing with 'Black/Hispanic' identities; teasing people who are 'being posh', etc.)
(relationality principle) authorisation and illegitimation
Authorisation
To proclaim/impose an identity from a position of institutional power
(cf Bush and his use of 'we' and 'our' to create moral stance between him and all Americans)
Illegitimation
Denying identity from position of political power. (AAVE, Spanish>Catalan>Valencian...)
The partialness principle (apparently B&H really like principles, especially to explain identity)
Resolves the issue of identity being unconscious or conscious, how much agency it involves. Meaning:
Construction of identity can be partly deliberate and party habitual; it can emerge from interaction but also be created from other's perceptions while being part of larger ideological processes and material structures that influence interaction.
It is therefore constantly shifting. Through habitus people get used to their performances and do them unconsciously after a while.